Eh. There are times when a person in a uniform with some degree of authority on campus would be legitimately helpful, but they're never around for those moments.
UT campus rape was an epidemic when I was in school, back in the mid-'00s, and the police were notorious for just looking the other way.
If we buy Haiti a bunch of food and deliver it, we have created the jobs and infrastructure to solve the issue precisely in the manner you describe.
We’ve created an import market, which is good for folks who aren’t Haitian who are shipping to the island.
But we haven’t created points on the island to receive the new cargo (their port system is in shambles) or distribute it (roads still wrecked from the earthquake, very few warehouses or retail facilities to distribute to local populations) or use it (no reliable electricity or housing).
You seem to take issue with the idea that the solution did not arise from capitalist market forces.
Just the opposite. I believe capitalist market forces are a big reason why Haiti remains poor. Keeping the majority of the population clustered along the coast and forced to compete for sweatshop jobs at the lowest conceivable bidding rate means foreign firms have monopolized the labor capacity of the island while denying them the ability to develop their own domestic capital (roads, power, housing, etc).
Getting construction materials to the island, along with skilled engineers to both rebuild shattered infrastructure and train up locals to maintain/expand on what was built, is the only real path to prosperity. And its denied to the Haitian people deliberately, in order to keep them subservient and to enrich the folks exporting their labor product off the island for pennies on the dollar.
Literally an NPR article on the subject, outlining how that sum could solve world hunger.
In response to Musk’s request for details, Beasley (head of the World Food Program) tweeted him the math: “$.43 x 42,000,000 x 365 days = $6.6 billion.”
That’s how much it would cost to provide one meal a day for one year to this population in need, says WFP. The agency would deliver this “meal” in the form of food aid, cash or vouchers.
The food aid, says WFP, consists of commodities such as rice, maize and high-energy biscuits.
Musk estimated in December that he would pay “over $11 billion” in 2021 taxes. A large donation could help to offset that price tag.
So it looks like Musk was looking for a large tax write-off, not a cure-all for world hunger. And when he found a viable place to dump his money, he took it. This wasn’t about food aid at all. It was about Musk figuring out what he could buy for the price of a tax cut.
and have enough money to quite literally solve most of the world’s problems
That’s true-ish from a strict finances perspective.
But consider the island of Haiti. We could “solve” the problem of chronic poverty on the island by simply showing up with boatloads of food and clothing and other consumer goods. But it would be a temporary fix, at best. A real investment - just on this tiny island - would mean large scale infrastructure improvements. And that takes an enormous amount of materials plus labor plus the logistics to move it all and assemble it.
What we’re describing isn’t strictly a monetary problem. Its an engineering - and, to a greater extent - economic organization problem. Showing up with bricks of cash would be less beneficial than dredging their harbors and building out new power plants and fixing all the damage done by the last big earthquake. And that latter bit requires real engineering, which requires education, which requires skilled professionals willing to bring Haitians in and train them in the work necessary to improve the island.
And while we probably could perform a project like this across Haiti, by employing the Billionaire Money + Excuse Unused Capacity of global industry, I question whether we could do it globally. Not without reorienting an enormous amount of our existing infrastructure towards these tasks.
When people talk about “market economy v command economy”, this is the kind of problem they’re really facing off against. Not just “how do we pay for food?” but “how do we organize the supply chain from the farms/fisheries to the dinner tables?”
We could “fix” Haiti’s problems with far less than we’re currently spending to control their population. But that would mean building large earthquake resilient housing, energy, and transport components. And those buildings would divert the labor supply from making cheap textiles and agricultural goods. And that would mean people who buy cheap from Haiti’s functionally-still-enslaved population wouldn’t get to 100x mark-up the end products when they were sold in the US at American retail rates.
That’s what we’re really discussing when we talk about “billionaire wealth” versus “solving the world’s problems”.
Do Haitians get to live for themselves? Or do they spend all their waking hours making life cheaper for other people?
Bakunin never had to be in charge of anything as vast as a Soviet Union. Marxist-Leninists can be the victims of their own success in that regard. But I think Bakunin was more speaking of bureaucrats broadly, while your more modern Marxists are concerned specifically with how the organs of capitalist states function in the era of industrial finance.
You’ll get it from folks like Richard Wolff (on the more academic end) and Amber Lee-Frost / November Caldwell Kelly (on the podcasty end). Piketty’s “Capitalism in the 21st Century” also takes a deep dive into Managerial Capitalism and the modern method of corporate administration.
More orthodox Marxists tend to dismiss it as a distraction, but I tend to think there’s real value in understanding the class elements of the administrative state as distinct from both proletariat labor and bourgeoisie owners.
The rewards tend not to be for hard work, but for clever exploitation and excess cruelty.
If you can successfully commit/facilitate a bunch of crimes (particularly, but not exclusively, white collar crimes) then you can break into the petite bourgeoisie. Florida’s Rick Scott, a guy who made a fortune scamming Medicare is a great example. The WWE’s Vince McMahon, a guy who encouraged his rooster of steroid abusing thugs by offering them the opportunity to rape his female staff members, is another.
If you can stomach the grisly work of denying dying children their insurance claims or evicting elderly residents illegally foreclosed on during the 2008 housing crash or overseeing the butchery in Iraq/Afghanistan during the Bush Era or the torture prison in Guantanamo Bay (another Florida favorite, Ron DeSantis, broke out as a conservative darling after his tenure writing legal briefs that justified waterboarding and sexual abuse of terrorism suspects), then you can get a leg up.
Plenty of these professions are functionally quite easy and the quality of the work is incidental to the reliability with which you adhere to the company/party line. The real pay out is in cultivating friends higher up the ladder and proving yourself a loyal little footsoldier, not in proving you can march the farthest or carry the heaviest loads.
If anything, jobs that consist of shitty drudge-work tend to be the worst paying and are the least reliable for promotion. The pimp makes far more than the prostitute and has to do none of the dirty work.
Petite bourgeoisie is what the proletariat are expected to aspire towards. And the way you break into that class is by showing obsequiousness towards the bourgeoisie while enjoying the privilege of unchecked abuse towards the proles.
The crabs in a bucket get a prize if they can climb to the top for long enough.
The Professional Managerial Class, or Labour Aristocracy, is a broadly recognized sub-class that functions as agents of the bourgeois within the working class. In the same way that an Overseer and a Serf are both “working class” but one holds a clearly demarcated position relative to the other, PMCs and service/factory workers are well defined sub-components structured against one another.
It’s a precedent because presidents take power–not use the power they were given
Bush was given several literal blank checks during his two terms in office by a legislature that was more than happy to invest enormous power in the chief executive (so long as that executive was a Republican). The Patriot Act, the No Child Left Behind Act, the Medicare Prescription Drug, Improvement, and Modernization Act of 2003, the Department of Homeland Security Appropriations Act, 2007, the Consumer Product Safety Improvement Act, and the Emergency Economic Stabilization Act of 2008 were all on the books before Obama took office.
They each invested the Presidency with new powers via the national bureaucracy, enormous slush funds through which to shape economic activity, and regulatory authorities only vaguely defined by the legislature that the President’s appointees could fine tune as they saw fit.
In point of fact, Obama’s restraint did put constraints on Trump. It meant that he had to go to court multiple times over things
Trump’s trips to court were notable only in so far as they illustrated how toothless the modern judiciary is in the face of a Unitary Executive. Policies that failed to pass judicial muster were continued in defiance of court orders and over the objection of administrative bureaucracies - border wall funding and illegal incarceration of asylum seekers, kick-backs to private security firms and Homeland Security contractors, wildly illegal misuse of military assets in Iraq and Afghanistan and Eastern Europe and Latin America, leaking state secrets to foreign nationals, harassing and spying on minority groups and political opponents, using federal money for self-enrichment and as kick-backs to cronies, using federal money for campaigning in defiance of campaign finance laws - all ended up either being swept under the rug or continued under the incoming Biden Administration.
Obama did nothing to restrain Trump. In fact, Trump’s team deliberately pushed the boundaries of what was already generously afforded them just to see how other branches would respond. And the response was, more often than not, to ratify his actions after the fact - either at the national level or via state policies in red states that sympathized with him.
Carter was a nuclear technician with a 15 year long political career fixated on privatizing the state and national economy. He inherited a peanut farm from his dying father and kept the business afloat precisely because he understood how to obtain cheap lines of credit. Carter wasn’t tilling soil in the 50s. He was a spreadsheets guy.
